Liberals place more value on being funny than conservatives and libertarians.
I've been watching a lot of comedy central lately and have been wondering why there does not appear to be a conservative equivalent, just as there is no popular liberal equivalent to conservative AM talk radio. Perhaps liberals value being funny more than conservatives?
To test this idea, I thought I'd look at the data from the Good Self Scale from yourmorals.org. In it, participants are asked how important it is to have various traits, and one of them happens to be "funny". If you look at the below graph, you'll see that liberals do indeed place a tiny bit more value on being funny, compared to others (p<.01 comparing liberals to non-liberals).
It is important to note that this does not mean that liberals are indeed funnier, but rather that they place a value on being funny. The results seem plausible given that the rest of the results conform to previous research (e.g. conservatives care about loyalty more and care about being more responsible). Some observations:
- All groups are above the midpoint (2.5) of the scale for all traits, except for libertarians and their valuation of being generous, outgoing, and sympathetic. Instead, libertarians score high on being intellectual and logical.
- Moderates actually score highest in terms of valuing fairness and honesty. A very interesting finding.
- Liberals, in addition to wanting to be funny, also want to be creative, kind, sympathetic, and almost as intellectual as libertarians.
- Conservatives value being responsible, loyal, and honest (comparable to moderates for honesty).
In all, these are fair descriptions of these ideological groups, and given that the other relationships are reasonable, I would conclude that it's also reasonable to say that liberals likely do place more value on being funny than other ideological groups. Whether they succeed or not is another question.
- Ravi Iyer
Why should the US lead in Libya? Liberal-Conservative Value Differences.
Why should the US lead in Libya? This is a question I've been asking myself a number of times as I've heard one common criticism of Obama and our actions in Libya, specifically that we aren't demonstrating leadership. Personally, I would like Gaddafi stopped and perhaps most importantly, I'd like us to save lives when possible with minimal risk and cost, but I don't necessarily understand why it is important if we lead the effort. In fact, as a taxpayer, I would love it if France decided to bear the cost of the endeavor or better yet, an Arab country that is less likely to cause reactance in the population. And if they would like our help, I would be happy for us to follow.
In contrast, Sarah Palin was perturbed that "We get in the back of the bus and wait for NATO, we wait for the French." Newt Gingrich said that when Obama stated that Gaddafi has to go, "he pitted the prestige and power of the United States against a dictator who's been anti-American for over 40 years." Conservative Charles Krauthammer believes that Obama is "overly modest about his country" at a time when "the world is hungry for America to lead".
Does it really matter if we are perceived to be leading or following and does every desire the President expresses have to come true, lest we are diminished? A belief certainly isn't wrong just because I don't share it. There are many things that people value more than me (e.g. etiquette or aesthetics) that are nevertheless important in the world. However, what puzzles me about calls for the US to lead in Libya is that I don't necessarily understand the underlying value differences that drive this. What do we get for being the "leader" in Libya? Would it be so bad to let the French bear the cost and risk involved?
I don't have a good empirical answer for this, but I did examine some value differences in our yourmorals dataset that I wanted to share, in part because certain hypotheses I had are demonstrably wrong. Below is a graph of how much conservatives, liberals, and libertarians value humility, influence, social power, and authority from the Schwartz Values scale in our dataset. The overall average bars are the average across all values on the scale, indicating that none of these values overly important in any group. Still, these differences may play a role in the underlying psychology of geo-political leadership.
Perhaps blinded by my liberal bias, I thought one possibility was that liberals believe in humility more than conservatives and/or perhaps conservatives have a greater desire to be influential. Surprisingly, though probably not to conservative readers, some of whom likely share Krauthammer's belief that liberals are immodest, conservatives in our dataset value humility more than liberals and both groups value being influential fairly evenly. The belief that the US should lead does not appear to be a function of conservatives lacking modesty about our country or wanting to wield influence in the world.
Conservatives do report valuing being in positions of authority and having social power more than liberals. One hypothesis that is possible, is that conservatives might believe that it would be a bad thing if the US had less power and authority in the world, as these are things which they value more than liberals. Some people may get a sense of power and authority from being associated with a powerful and authoritative country. From that perspective, it might make sense to want the US to take a leadership position, even if it does result in a higher tax bill and more risk.
Of course, bear in mind that I haven't actually connected these values to any attitudes toward Libya, and these results may only hold for the types of educated internet users that tend to visit our website. Still, this was informative to me for the hypothesis that this rules out, as it seems unlikely that pride is driving calls for the US to lead intervention in Libya amongst conservatives, given that liberals may actually be more prone to pride. The desire for our country to remain in a prestigious position of power and authority is a more likely candidate and perhaps underlies the desire to see us play a leading role in Libya.
I would welcome any other hypotheses or ideas, especially from conservatives who do feel that it is important that the US take a leadership role in whatever we do. Why do you feel this is this important to you? What am I possibly missing? Perhaps those thoughts would help me design a more conclusive study. In addition, I'm going to start monitoring my own levels of modesty.
- Ravi Iyer
Perceptions of Scarcity & Responsibility inform Budget Negotiations
I was recently asked about the psychology of scarcity and it gave me an excuse to revisit an old paper by Skitka and Tetlock (1992, Journal of Experimental Social Psychology) that contains a more complex version of the model I depict below. Like many who are interested in politics, I've been following the recent budget debates with interest. Beyond the issue specific partisanship (e.g. defunding NPR or Planned Parenthood), there is the larger issue of how much government can afford to provide a social safety net. As the simplified model based on this paper argues, the desire to help others is based in large part on appraisals of how scarce resources are and how deserving people are of those resources.
This is basically common sense, but the interesting part is when we combine the model with research suggesting that conservatives are more likely than liberals to react to threats and avoid negative outcomes, suggesting that in the first decision box, even given the same facts, conservatives are more likely than liberals to believe that scarce resources(e.g. the budget deficit) are likely to lead to ruin and therefore cut public assistance. For example, this might explain why a recent Pew Research Poll found that Republicans feel that the deficit is a bigger economic priority than adding more jobs (37% vs 22%), while the numbers were reversed for Democrats (41% think jobs is the most important economic concern vs. 15% for the deficit).
Further, when you get to the second decision box (appraising deservingness), conservatives are more likely to attribute success and failure to internal-controllable causes vs. liberals. For example, this is a graph of yourmorals.org data and you'll notice that conservatives are more likely to attribute their success at work and in relationships to effort (an internal-controllable trait) versus ability (internal, but not necessarily controllable) or context/luck (external). This attributional divide has been documented in other published research.
When you combine these two factors, it is no surprise that liberals and conservatives have very different ideas about a social safety net. Each group may be psychologically predisposed to believing in more or less scarcity and more or less personal responsibility for outcomes, even given the same information about the world.
These dispositions may actually also cause people to be more liberal or conservative, or to support such policies, as research on mortality salience has succeeded in increasing support for conservative candidates. There is a lack of research on causes of liberalism, but anecdotally, Michael Moore recently told a liberal audience that "America is not broke." and in my anecdotal experience of religion, one of the main principles of many liberal churches is the idea that we need to think of the world as full of abundance, not scarcity. The ironic thing is that just when people need help most (conditions of scarcity) and Keynesian economics would suggest we should spend more, the psychology of the situation predisposes us to be less generous. Of course, that's from my liberal point of view, where I'm predisposed to such beliefs.
- Ravi Iyer
ps If anyone knows of studies where an abundance mentality leads to liberal beliefs, I'd love to hear from you.
Psychological Correlates of Feelings Toward Labor Unions among Liberals
I have been reading a great deal lately about the labor battle in Wisconsin lately. As someone who rarely has had a traditional job, I have never had a well formed opinion about unions and it has been an interesting opportunity to think about the role of unions in society. There have been a great number of polls lately, each of which provides fodder for our innate abilities to confirm what we already believe to be true (confirmation bias). What psychological (as opposed to demographic) variables might lead someone to have warm or cold feelings toward unions?
By the time we can vote, we have developed coherent narratives that help us make sense of our emotions, beliefs, and opinions. In psychology, we often study individual variables and their impact on attitudes, but the real world is more complex and there are a whole host of attitudes, opinions, and dispositions that may have an impact on your opinion about unions. As such, I thought it might be interesting to look at the whole picture of what our yourmorals data shows as the correlates of warm or cold feelings toward unions.
The below chart (click on it to enlarge) is sorted from measures/beliefs that are most associated with warm feelings toward unions to measures/beliefs that are negatively associated with warm feelings toward unions. Warm/cold feelings were assessed using a feeling thermometer scale from 1-7. Our sample is not representative, so any conclusion that you may draw would be based on the idea that the psychological associations in our overly educated, liberal leaning, internet user sample would hold for other groups. To help isolate psychological variables, I ran the analysis on only those who self-identified in our sample as liberal, effectively holding that variable somewhat constant (I say somewhat because within this sample, some people were more liberal than others).
I would love to hear what others see in these patterns, but my initial impressions are:
- A lot of what is associated with being liberal is associated with being pro-union. It is likely a mistake to try and figure out which comes first as people certainly adhere to their party positions, but people also certainly gravitate toward their parties due to psychological variables. It is all tied together and research supports both relationships. As such, it may make sense that Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker's decision to not only try and reduce pay, but effectively try to end all union representation for public workers, meets with such vehement opposition.
- Other oriented connections appear even more related to feelings about unions beyond what one might expect from simple liberal partisanship. For example, identification with country is actually negatively associated with liberalism, but is positively associated with feelings toward unions. All measures of connection to others seem to have positive relationships. The Big 5 personality dimension of agreeableness (e.g. being trusting) has an almost equal relationship as the dimension of openness to experience, which is usually the dominant predictor of liberalism among Big 5 dimensions.
- Dispositional emotional reactivity appears to be a predictor of how liberals feel about unions. Liberals who are empathizers (on Baron-Cohen's measure) who care about the less fortunate, feel emotional when perceiving beauty, and are also slightly more prone to depression tend to be those who feel warm toward unions.
- In contrast, rationality, a liberal hallmark, is not related to feeling toward unions. Belief in scientific causation is strongly associated with liberalism, but not related to feelings toward unions among liberals. Experiential thinking appears slightly positively correlated with positive feelings toward unions among liberals even as it is negatively correlated with liberalism in our wider dataset. Rational thinking is not correlated with feelings toward unions, even as it generally is associated with being liberal.
Overall, the impression I get from the pattern is that it is the bleeding heart liberals, as opposed to the more rational, scientific liberals, who likely feel more connected to the ongoing protests in Wisconsin. But I welcome alternative ideas/interpretations as well as ideas about how these results might not hold in other populations, as the interaction would likely prove instructive.
- Ravi Iyer
Reagan was a Union Member – Visiting his Library as an exercise in Civil Politics
Yesterday, in a strangely appropriate thing to do for President's Day weekend, I visited the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. When I first got there, I had this idea that I might need to keep a low profile considering my liberal leanings and when I told a docent there that I was from Venice Beach, I projected a liberal-conservative frame upon him, as I took his information that General Electric had given them a grant to bus kids from Los Angeles to the library as partisan gloating, even as I've myself wondered why Republicans care about our president addressing our children. If I'm honest, there is not much difference and school children should be able to do both. Perhaps visiting his library is an opportunity to remove myself from partisan framing and to understand someone with a different worldview than myself.
Perhaps the most important thing I got from his visit is that I realized that Reagan was a far more complex, sincere and likable person than I might have thought. As someone who actively seeks to promote civility in politics, this was an opportunity to practice what I've often espoused. I was born in 1974, and so perhaps was too young to have any direct ideas about Reagan, instead relying on the caricatures of his persona from the current political discourse. These caricatures map onto the below graph of yourmorals.org data where strong liberals report being disgusted by conservatives and believe that conservatives are generally not good people (compared to the midpoint of the scale on a 1-7 disagree-agree scale). Vice versa, strong conservatives often believe that liberal democrats disgust them, are anti-country, and also are not good people. Note that these effects hold for "strong" partisans rather than slight partisans.
On visiting the Reagan Library, I learned a number of things that add depth to my impression of Reagan as a likable person, even if I disagree with much of his worldview. Among the things I learned were that:
- Reagan was the "first president of the United States to hold a lifetime membership in an AFL-CIO union". While he may be famous for firing the air traffic controllers, who imperiled national safety for fairly ambitious demands, I didn't get the impression that he would resolutely support Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker's union busting ethos. Reagan's first political experience was actually in solidarity with students who wanted to strike to protest cuts at their university.
- Reagan actually was a Democrat in his early career.
- While governor of California, he actually signed legislation increasing the affordability of homes for low income individuals and funding grants for the disabled, meaning he was hardly as extreme as either liberals who villainize him or strong conservatives who hold him up as an example, make him out to be.
- Reagan appreciated nature in that he spent a lot of time outdoors in his spare time, and praised the government of Sri Lanka for it's "dedication to preserve God's gift of nature."
Civility does not mean that I have to agree with his policies, but rather that I am open to appreciating that he genuinely meant well for the country, was a good person, and was not someone to be disgusted by, in contrast to the above graph. Of course, there were many points where I disagreed with the focus of the exhibits.
- The cold war was portrayed as a struggle between good and evil, whereas much moral psychology would suggest that pure evil is far less common than we might think. Indeed, while "peace through strength" is a common theme of exhibits, it is Reagan's friendship with Gorbachev, not force, that ultimately seemed to be the breakthrough in the cold war.
- Reagan's belief in unrestricted free enterprise and supply side economics seems to me like an exercise in motivated reasoning, in that people don't like to make tradeoffs between helping the poor and rewarding those who produce more.
Still, my overall impression of Reagan was improved by my visit and perhaps a civil thing to do would be for all partisans to visit a presidential library of someone of the opposite party as familiarity breeds liking, and in these hyperpartisan times, we could all use a bit more appreciation for our friends across the aisle.
- Ravi Iyer
Psychology is generally Continuous, not Categorical
We live in a world where we often have to make categorical decisions. We date someone or we don't. We marry them or we don't. We hire someone or we don't. We pick either the Democrat or the Republican. There is no middle ground.
Unfortunately, the world isn't necessarily organized in that fashion. Few would believe there are such categorical distinctions. Prospective dates have some degree of positive and negative qualities, rather than attributes being merely present or absent. Are people either qualified or not for a job? Most people instead belong along a continuum of professional ability, with some being very qualified (way above being merely adequately qualified) and some people being just below and just above the border of qualification. Politicians aren't uniformly liberal or conservative and we routinely see partisans on both sides upset at those who aren't extreme enough and who toe the partisan line.
This may seem obvious, but the reason I bring it up now is that while most everyone would agree with this fact, when thought about more carefully, still many people continue to argue as if things are categorical. There are two recent examples on the yourmorals blog.
First, the comment section of this post has become a debate (for many) over whether psychology is objective (science) or subjective (art). Allow me to quote Gene, from this thread:
there is SOME objective knowledge that comes from psych research (anything that can be experimentally shown, is predictive, even if only statistically, it has value).
If you want to get really nitty gritty, even physics is not completely “objective”…it’s merely instrumental to understanding objectivity (see here: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Instrumentalism)
Most things are not completely objective or completely subjective, especially where human affect, behavior, and cognition is concerned. Yes, psychology is less objective than physics...but it's more objective than sculpture. If I think that Paul McCartney sings better than I do, is that an objective or a subjective fact? It's objective in so far as a survey of people would detect a very large statistically significant difference between perceptions of our singing. But it's subjective in so far as it may not be true for a particular person (e.g. my wife and my mom).
What complicates things further is that many people who read psychology don't really care about what happens to most people, but rather how the research applies to them. Consider this very useful overview of how changing our consumption patterns can make people happier. One of the recommendations is something that I tell people often, that experiences lead to more happiness than material things, an opinion shared by 57% of a national sample (and shown to be true for most in experimental research). Yet, 34% of those people disagree (and some don't benefit in experiments). So is the statement that "buying experiences leads to more happiness than buying things" an objective or a subjective fact? It's true for a majority of people, but not for a significant minority. It's likely true for many groups, but certainly not all groups. Yet many people still think we can definitively decide if psychology is objective or subjective, even though humans, unlike inanimate objects, don't react predictably to situations, except perhaps in aggregate (e.g. we have free will or at least the illusion of it). I can find truths that apply to all rocks or all electrons, but not for all humans. But I can find truths that apply to many humans or most humans, and that might give someone insight into themselves, which is a valuable thing.
A second instance of categorical thinking on the yourmorals blog of late is Pigliucci's critique of Haidt's recent SPSP speech. Haidt pointed out that there is underrepresentation of conservatives in social psychology compared to the population and cites both self-selection and discrimination as issues to varying degrees. Many people (understandably) focus on the sexier charge of discrimination, and Pigliucci answered that he "suspect(s) the obvious reason for the “imbalance” of political views in academia is that the low pay, long time before one gets to tenure (if ever), frequent rejection rates from journals and funding agencies, and the necessity to constantly engage one’s critical thinking skills naturally select against conservatives." But what if causality was continuous and not categorical. Pigliucci may be entirely right about his obvious reason, yet there still could be some amount of discrimination. Indeed, if there is one student somewhere whose ideas are supressed (and there was at least one in Haidt's talk), then there is at least some degree of both self-selection and discrimination, meaning that a debate over what statistically causes underrepresentation misses the point. Bear in mind that these are not just data points, but actual human beings. One human being discriminated against is one human being we could serve better, even if the vast majority of under-representation is due to self-selection.
I'm obviously biased in the above debate, but these thoughts are not a response to that debate, but rather a response to almost every debate and decision I see in psychology. Some other things that are continuous, and not categorical:
Journal Publication - Editors have to make categorical decisions to accept or reject papers, yet many papers that are accepted never get cited, while other papers are published through sheer persistence down the chain of journal prominence.
Statistical Significance - A 94.9% chance of being right is not that different than a 95.1% chance of being right, yet it is treated as a categorical distinction called "significance" because we need to be able to say whether something is true or not, when in reality, all we have is some evidence toward the truth, that varies to some degree. Even the best paper does not definitively prove anything and even the worst paper is some evidence toward something.
Authorship - Many people work on papers (often undergraduate research assistants) and are not authors, while others do fairly little and receive authorship. Sometimes the first author does 90% of the work and sometimes they do 51%. Yet they still receive the categorical distinction of first author.
Psychological conditions - Few psychological clinical conditions are categorical. In reality, people have some degree of anxiety, rather than having or not having an anxiety disorder. Yet, for insurance reasons, people have to be diagnosed categorically as having a particular condition.
Psychological constructs - Is shame the same as guilt or different? Is shame the same as sadness? Is shame the same as happiness? The truth is that shame is somewhat like some of these constructs and less like others of these constructs. Categorical distinctions between such constructs are useful for publications, but don't really reflect the continuous nature of the real world.
I am sure that if I thought more, I could come up with many more examples of things that are continuous, but treated as categorical. In academia, perhaps we can eventually change our systems, leveraging technology, to acknowledge the continuous nature of things. My real-world hope, as someone who believes that a world with less conflict is better than a world with more conflict, is that perhaps seeing things as continuous, rather than categorical, means that people will be less likely to make harsh judgments of others based on the idea that their beliefs are the categorical caricatures that we make them out to be.
- Ravi Iyer
Are liberals more neurotic than conservatives?
At our recent meeting of social psychologists, I had a few conversations about a particular facet of our data, the fact that liberals in our dataset score higher on measures of neuroticism than conservativism. The effect in our data is small, but not insignificant (d=.24 of the standard deviation). This surprised some people in that there is a fair amount of research about conservatives being fearful that people are aware of, even as there is some contradictory evidence. A recent meta-analysis + study yielded mixed results, with some research and samples showing liberals as being more neurotic (including the lone non-student sample, though with a very small effect size), and some research showing conservatives as being more neurotic. One conclusion might be that this is all statistical noise. An alternative possibility is that it depends on the types of questions being asked or that it depends on the group being sampled. I thought I'd explore this in our yourmorals data.
First, you can see that within the yourmorals dataset, liberals appear more neurotic than conservatives regardless of the question that is asked.
This even extends to asking about symptoms in the recent past. The questions here are how often the participant has experienced "Being suddenly scared for no reason", "Spells of terror or panic", or "Feeling fearful" in the past 7 days, though the effect is tiny.
It appears that the effect is robust across questions. Our sample is not representative of the broader US, but in this instance, this may be instructive. Liberals may be more neurotic than conservatives within certain groups. Our data is a large enough sample that it likely represents a sizable group of people, and it is possible that there is something peculiar to the kind of people who visit yourmorals that makes our liberals more neurotic than our conservatives. As a broader test of this idea, I thought I'd examine those participants who visit yourmorals from sites like the New York Times or Edge, versus those who find yourmorals.org via search engines (e.g. searching for 'morality quiz'), with the idea that the NY Times and Edge readers are more like our core audience (people especially interested in social science).
Here is the graph by question for those who find us via search engines:
And here is the graph for those who find us via the New York Times and Edge.org.
It may be self-evident from the graphs, but put another way, the correlation between neuroticism and liberal-conservative identification (1-7) is -.03 (n=1634, p=.22) for those who find us via search engines, -.08 (n=7129, p<.001) in New York Times readers, and -.13 (n=2382, p<.001) for those who find us via Edge.org. Overall, the correlation is -.08 (n=35,793, p<.001).
To me, this supports the idea that there is something peculiar about the kind of liberal that reads the New York Times or visits Edge.org or a site like YourMorals.org. Perhaps the common thread here is the idea that these are people who are searching for answers in life. It somewhat converges with this paper by Napier & Jost, where they find that liberals are less happy than conservatives, a finding that replicates in our data and has been found by others, and they found that this relationship is explained by the liberal un-acceptance of inequality. It seems somewhat implausible that liberals walk around consciously thinking about inequality a lot. But perhaps the inability to accept inequality is part of a general questioning of the way things are and what the larger meaning of things is, which inevitably leads to anxiety about why things are not 'better'. I cannot show that with data, but I can say that, as a liberal, this rings true for me. My search for meaning and desire to create change inevitably lead me to anxiety producing situations when I try to swim against a tide. And yet it's a tradeoff I continue to be willing to make.
- Ravi Iyer
Can liberal academics study conservative ideology?
Recently, Jon Haidt gave a talk at the main social psychology conference about the statistically impossible lack of diversity in social psychology, meaning that the vast majority of social psychologists are liberal, with a smattering of libertarians or moderates and close to zero self-identified conservatives. This talk was covered in this New York Times article by John Tierney, and it has inspired many social psychologists I know to some degree of introspection about our discipline. It has also led many who read the article to wonder why there are so many liberals in academia. Is it a question of discrimination? Self-selection?
As someone who studies political psychology, I have two main self-serving thoughts. First, findings in political psychology would support the idea that most of this is due to self-selection. We know that liberals score higher on measures like openness to experience, challenging the status quo, enjoying effortful thinking, having existential angst (searching for meaning) and placing a value on stimulation. All of these findings are published and replicated in our YourMorals dataset. These are all traits that can be framed as positive (enjoying new things, wanting to be an agent of change) and negative (disrespecting tradition, being narcissistic) in the 'real world', but are useful in academia. Personally, I could be earning more money and likely doing something more objectively useful, but I like the stimulation of working in the world of ideas and it helps ease my existential angst. This cluster of traits describes some part of most academics I know.
If you see the actual talk (video below), you'll notice that Haidt presumes a fair degree of self-selection and does not set representativeness (e.g. 40% conservatives in the US means we should have 40% in psychology) as a goal, perhaps for this reason.
Still, much of the talk is about discrimination (e.g. the analogy of the closeted homosexual) and so I see why many bloggers might have picked up on the discrimination angle. I am not saying that there is not some peer pressure exacerbated by the assumption that everyone in the room is liberal...but my experience is that self-selection causes that environment more than the reverse. That does not mean it isn't a problem. It is and we should do something about it.
The main problem, from the perspective of someone who wants to understand political attitudes and ideology, is that it's really hard to study something you have no experience with. Imagine what a collective of non-parents would think of parenting from a completely outside perspective. Giving up sleep, friends, leisure, and money for an infant that cannot even smile might seem delusional, which is exactly the way that some psychologists see conservative ideology...as a product of some kind of mental fault. It is only from the inside that sometimes things make more sense.
Those of us who study ideology often have nobody on the inside of conservative movements to help us make sense of them. It is for that reason that I'd love to see more research conducted by conservatives. Conservatives don't just have different perspectives on politics, but also in all sorts of other domains. Until then, I'll have to settle for befriending them wherever I can and plying them with liquor to get their inner thoughts. As a liberal who wants to persuade conservatives, such understanding is essential, unless I simply want to cheerlead amongst people who already agree with me.
In some ways, it's part of a larger problem in psychology where we ask relatively inexperienced (outside of academia) individuals to theorize about the nature of human experience. Business school students are expected to have business experience to get into business school, yet social psychologists often have very limited experience with human social life before investigating it. Given that, is it any wonder that many people feel that memoirs offer as much insight into the human condition as psychology journals? Having a diverse set of experiences and perspectives within political psychology can only make our work that much more interesting.
- Ravi Iyer
Rush Limbaugh says Civility is the New Censorship
Rush Limbaugh recently talked explicitly about calls for civility in the media, saying that "civility is the new censorship". In a sense, he is correct, in that when liberals (myself included) talk about civility, we specifically mean people like Limbaugh, whose livelihood is based on demonization of the opposing political viewpoint. I have to admit that when I talk about civility in politics, as someone who views civility as an intrinsic part of their work, I have him in mind, not Rachel Maddow, the liberal equivalent (more on equivalency in a bit). However, perhaps liberals will get further by marginalizing rather than directly attacking people like Limbaugh.
In the wake of the Gabrial Giffords shooting, there is no real plausible defense of incivility that will sway much of the public. So instead, Limbaugh's basic argument is that liberals are even more uncivil than conservatives. Below is an excerpt:
RUSH: President Obama urges civility in public discourse. F. Chuck Todd is now happily reporting this on MessNBC: President Obama urging civility in public discourse. When I think of the left wing, I think civil, don't you? Code Pink, the New Black Panthers, union bosses beating up black conservatives in St. Louis, ACORN, illegal alien marches, why, it doesn't get more civil than that. The trashing of the Tea Party movement for the last nearly two years, that's civil. When I think of MSNBC, I not only think of journalistic excellence, but civility, don't you? That whole class warfare thing, I mean that's nothing but civility on display. When I think of the counterculture movement of the sixties, I think civility. When I think of Rahm Emanuel, the man Obama chose as his own chief of staff two years ago, I think of civility. We don't need lectures from uncivil leftists about civility, much less Obama. Bitter clingers and all the other incendiary things he's had to say, both as a candidate and as president.
In fact, ladies and gentlemen, isn't one of your complaints that Republicans are too docile? Isn't one of your complaints that Republicans just sit there and take it, that the left is always on the march, always accusing, always throwing bombs, and the Republicans just sit there and take it? The fact of the matter is the Republicans are civil, as the left defines it. They don't say anything. That's exactly what civil means. Another couple of examples. Give your civil reaction to the charge that you oppose Obama because he's black. Give me your civil reaction to you are a racist because you have criticized President Obama. Show me how to react in a civil way. Give me your civil reaction to this: You want to take money from the poor and line your pockets and the pockets of the rich. You don't care about the unfortunate. In fact, you and your buddies have created homelessness. Give me the civil reaction to that. If it was up to you, we would still have slavery today.
First, the point of civility is not to get people to "sit there and take it". Disagreement and debate about policy is healthy. Rather, as stated on the home page of civilpolitics.org, "Civility as we pursue it is the ability to disagree with others while respecting their sincerity and decency." It is possible to disagree on a policy, but believe that others who disagree are not evil, anti-American, stupid, or heartless. By that standard, Limbaugh clearly falls short and so does much of what goes on in liberal circles, where many liberals do think that conservatives "don't care about the unfortunate" and are either stupid or heartless. Being clear about what civility means allows us to setup bright lines that Limbaugh and Maddow both cross. Maybe calling liberals evil or anti-American is uncivil, but so is calling conservatives stupid or heartless, which is more or less what MSNBC does.
The other reaction I have to Limbaugh's passionate defense of incivility echoes the words of David Frum, a prominent conservative, who used these words to chastize Rachel Maddow, who was making fun of Sarah Palin in the below video. While my policy preferences rest with Maddow, I have to admit being swayed by Frum's specific words that: "The fact that other people fail in other ways is not an excuse for you failing in your way" (see about 4 minutes and 40 seconds into the below video). The fact that Limbaugh is uncivil does not make it ok for Maddow to be uncivil nor vice versa.
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Frum goes on to talk about how the vocal liberals and the vocal conservatives "have a symbiotic relationship of negativity". There is much truth in this. For example, as explained in this article, conservative radio thrives on the idea that liberals want to silence them.
The take home message for me? It is time to unilaterally withdraw from the symbiotic relationship that the far left has with the far right. Frum quotes Ghandi in the above clip, saying that we should 'be the change' we want to see in the world. I agree. In Ghandi's philosophy (Satyagraha), you don't win by defeating your opponent, you win by converting them to your cause. Conservativism thrives under threat (see research on Terror Management). Instead of demonizing Limbaugh or trying to legislate the end of his livelihood, liberals would do better by marginalizing extreme conservative voices by refusing to cooperate in "us vs. them" zero-sum framing of politics. Conservativism is strongest when it has an enemy to rally against. Let us not be the enemy that Limbaugh needs to keep going.
- Ravi Iyer













Jon Kyl’s Moral Confabulation is something we all do.
Lately, Stephen Colbert and Jon Stewart have been having fun with Jon Kyl's bizarre response to an error he made on the senate floor in saying that 90% of what Planned Parenthood does is abortion. The real figure is 3% and his bizarre response was that his use of the 90% figure was "not intended to be a factual statement", which has become a new twitter meme.
In case you haven't seen it, here is a summary:
The interesting thing to me of this story was a bit on the Daily Show where Wyatt Cenac points out that "in his defense, he's only lying about something that he believes in. It's in service of a strongly held moral principle. He's not lying to get out of jury duty or be boastful." (at about 1:10 in the below clip)
While the defense was intended to be comical, many might see Cenac's explanation as a truly mitigating circumstance. Kyl likely believed what he was saying, given that an intentional lie would undoubtedly be revealed. At some point in our lives, many of us also believe in something so much that our perceptions of reality are altered. Many people do indeed believe that sometimes the ends justifies the means, and from our data, those people are actually more likely to be liberals (or libertarians). One might argue that our incursion into Libya, for many, is a case where the ends (saving civilian lives, increasing freedom) justifies the means (violence). In other examples, Democrats believe that the health care reform bill will improve access to health care, and also reduce the deficit. Republicans believe that reducing taxes on the wealthy will actually increase revenue. There are arguments to be made for either position, but an objective observer would probably believe neither of these claims and it seems likely that moral principles (Democrats believe in a social safety net & Republicans believe taxes on the wealthy are immoral) are shaping perceptions of reality, which is the definition of moral confabulation, when you believe in something so strongly, that you don't let objectivity get in your way.
- Ravi Iyer
ps. as if on queue, the Wall Street Journal published this perceptually skewed view of taxation, perhaps born out of their belief that higher taxes on the rich are immoral. This article, by Jeffrey Sachs, details the correct math. Of course, it is also possible that Sachs' view of the statistics is skewed by his own moral views.